Star Witness Backfires Against Chevron

Chevron’s new “witness” in the Ecuador case, Fernando Reyes, is the latest in a long line of company operatives whose comments have backfired against the oil giant in the long-running environmental litigation in Ecuador.

The growing list of discredited Chevron witnesses features a convicted felon who secretly videotaped a judge, an environmental expert who designed a soil sampling plan to make sure Chevron did not find contamination, a Chevron employee who ran a supposedly “independent” lab controlled by the oil company, an independent academic who turned out to be affiliated with a think tank that denies global warming, and a “technical expert” who turned out to be a former top lobbyist for the chemical industry.

The Reyes story is turning out to be more of the same.

Yesterday, Chevron released a press bulletin about a declaration by Reyes that is replete with lies and spin.

Reyes is an oil industry technician in Ecuador who worked briefly for the rainforest communities several years ago as part of their effort to monitor Chevron’s attempts to sabotage the trial.  In his declaration – parts of which appear to be written by Chevron lawyers -- Reyes claims the plaintiffs did not believe in their own evidence, which is simply untrue as these summaries demonstrate. See here, here, here, and here. 

In fact, Reyes could not point to one piece of evidence to contradict the overwhelming scientific data (including more than 80,000 chemical sampling results) that formed the basis for the $19 billion judgment against the company. See here. Even Chevron’s own lawyer, Rodrigo Perez Pallares, admitted in an advertisement the company deliberately dumped 16 billion gallons of toxic waste into Amazon waterways. See here and here. That’s about 85 times more oil waste than BP spilled in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010.

It turns our that Reyes worked for Fugro McClelland, a geotechnical consulting company paid by Chevron to audit its operations in Ecuador in the early 1990s.  He currently works for Ivanhoe Energy, an oil industry stalwart with operations in China, Mongolia, and Ecuador.

The Fugro audit, released during the trial of Chevron in Ecuador, contradicts the contention by Reyes that the contamination was not as severe as the lawyers claimed. That report said: “All produced water from the production facilities eventually discharged to creeks and streams” except for one of the 376 well sites and separation stations operated by the company. See here and here for more details.

Reyes later worked for Fugro as part of Chevron’s remediation in the mid-1990s, which is widely condemned as a sham.  That is to say, Reyes, by his own admission, took part in one of the largest environmental frauds in history – one that Chevron lawyers tried to use as a defense in their failed strategy during the Ecuador trial. 

Reyes claims he was not paid for his affidavit.  We’re not so sure.  It was signed in Colombia, so at a minimum he received an all-expenses paid trip to that country – similar to the one Chevron offered Mary Cudahee, an American journalist Chevron tried to recruit to spy on the plaintiffs.  Reyes was also trying to insinuate himself into the Ecuador case to make as much as possible,  according to Pablo Fajardo, the lead lawyer for the rainforest communities.

We clearly remember Chevron’s claim that Diego Borja, the Chevron contractor who orchestrated a failed video entrapment scheme against a sitting judge in Ecuador, was motivated by “civic duty”.  Chevron’s scheme completely backfired.  Later, Borja admitted that the company paid him at least $2.2 million for his efforts while describing him as a “Good Samaritan”. See here.

Reyes is yet another Chevron “witness” peddling junk science and fake facts.  We hope he shows up in court to face cross-examination so the truth can be fully disclosed, unfiltered by Chevron’s legal team and the fake narrative being peddled by the company’s six public relations agencies. Other witnesses presented by Chevron in the Ecuador matter whose credibility was quickly blown up include:

• Diego Borja, the mastermind of Chevron’s video entrapment scheme in Ecuador, ended up confessing he was paid $2.2 million for his services, that he “cooked” evidence during the trial by switching out dirty soil samples for clean ones before submitting them to a laboratory, and that he set up dummy companies for Chevron to make a lab controlled by the oil giant appear to the court like it was independent. See here and here.
• Borja’s partner Wayne Hansen, who Chevron portrayed as an “American businessman” who worked in the remediation field, was actually a felon convicted   of importing 275,000 pounds of illegal narcotics into the United States.
• Sara Portilla, Borja's wife who ran Chevron's supposedly "independent" lab in Ecuador while her husband manipulated soil samples at the well sites; she now works for Chevron in the U.S. See here.
• John Conner, a Chevron technical expert who wrote a "playbook" directing the company's technicians to find only "clean" soil samples during the judicial inspections process; Conner has testified that Chevron paid his company at least $8 million for working in Ecuador.
•  Ralph Marquez, formerly the lead lobbyist for the chemical industry in Texas who worked as in "independent" monitor for the Chevron during the Ecuador trial. Marquez is a Karl Rove ally whose main expertise is using junk science to protect corporate polluters.
• Douglas Southgate, a global warming denier and academic who worked as a consultant with Chevron. 

Witnesses like these must give Chevron shareholders great comfort in CEO John Watson’s handling of the litigation. Really, it’s all under control.

   

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Chevron Malfeasance In Ecuador and California: New Criminal Investigation Over Toxic Gas Flaring

More evidence of the cultural rot deep within Chevron’s management structure has surfaced with a devastating new report in the San Francisco Chronicle that the company is now under a criminal investigation for lying to authorities over toxic gas flaring at its Bay Area refinery.  For Chevron CEO John Watson and General Counsel R. Hewitt Pate the news could not have come at a worse time.

We already have reported that under Watson and Pate's leadership Chevron faces a hair-raising $19 billion liability in Ecuador for the dumping of billions of gallons of toxic waste into Amazon waterways, and then undertaking a fraudulent remediation to cover it up. Chevron also recently paid a huge fine to the Justice Department for violating the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act in Iraq and has been sanctioned by various courts in Ecuador and the U.S. for engaging in unethical litigation practices.  

The Chronicle reported in Sunday’s editions that the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency is conducting a criminal investigation of Chevron after learning the company has installed pipes to re-route toxic pollutants around monitoring equipment at its Richmond refinery before burning them off into the atmosphere, where they pose a risk of cancer and respiratory ailments.

According to the Chronicle:  “Air quality officials say Chevron fashioned a pipe inside its refinery that routed hydrocarbon gases around monitoring equipment and allowed them to be burned off without officials knowing about it.”

A local county supervisor, John Gioia, had the guts to be quoted on the record about what Chevron did:  “That’s a criminal act, intentionally bypassing the monitoring,” Gioia said.

The criminal investigation started when two inspectors noticed that Chevron’s pollution-monitoring equipment wasn’t recording anything and became suspicious.

A fire at the Richmond refinery on Aug. 6, which forced thousands to area hospitals for treatment, is also under investigation and has led to a class action lawsuit against the company. See this Huffington Post piece for more details.

“Chevron's pattern of legal and environmental management failure reveals an executive team out of its depth and out of control.  The board's lack of effective oversight of top management risks driving the company and its shareholders into the ground,” said Simon Billenness, an independent analyst who has followed the company's growing environmental liabilities.

Billenness also said a new analysis by the London-based group Fair Pension has revealed how Chevron’s approach to the Ecuador disaster threatens shareholder value.

Our advice to the investigators:  look at Chevron's corporate suites for the source of the problem, not just the line workers at the refinery who creatively figured out a way to save the company money at the expense of the health of local residents.  

Workers cheat because of the existence of a corporate culture that encourages cheating, the effects of which the world has seen in Ecuador time and again. If you want to see what kind of corporate citizen really Chevron is, look at this video about its gross human rights violations in Ecuador.

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Chevron's Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Spy Thriller -- Even Better Than The Movie

Chevron is spying on the two lead attorneys for the Ecuadorians to intimidate and harass them,reports the Amazon Defense Coalition. The lawyers, Pablo Fajardo and Steven Donziger, helped the Ecuadorians win an $18 billion judgment against the company for massive oil contamination. See press release here.

During an eight-year trial in Ecuador, Chevron has operated a corporate espionage campaign out of its San Ramon, California and Quito offices, hiring no less than four private investigative firms to carry out various plots in an effort to derail the lawsuit, but with no success.

In January, an Ecuador appellate court upheld the lower court's $18 billion judgment for what is considered to be the world's largest oil-related environmental disaster. Under Ecuador law, the Ecuadorians may enforce the judgment now, but they will have to do so in other countries' court systems because Chevron has refused to pay and has sold its major assets in Ecuador.

A private investigator hired by the Ecuadorians told the two lawyers he has seen tapes of Donziger under surveillance, and another said he watched individuals in cars follow Donziger and his family in New York City, where they live. The license plates indicated the cars had been rented.

In Ecuador, Fajardo was physically assaulted by two individuals who said they were serving legal papers on him on Chevron's behalf, even though Ecuador does not "serve" papers, as in the United States. Other Ecuadorian lawyers and staff have reported that they are being followed and have had backpacks and other items stolen.

This is not the first time this has happened. The United Nations directed Ecuador to provide security for the Ecuadorians and their lawyers in 2005, when similar incidents took place. See here.

Chevron has long relied on corporate spies to try and undermine the Ecuadorians' lawsuit.

Remember Diego Borja and Wayne Hansen?

A Chevron contractor, Diego Borja, admitted to a childhood friend he was Chevron's "dirty tricks" operative in Ecuador. The company said it paid him to lift soil and water samples from oil sites during the trial. In a recorded conversation, though, Borja said, his real job was to undermine the trial, something he said Chevron's lawyers had never been able to do in court.

On audio tapes, Borja said that he tried to spy on the Ecuadorians' testing lab by pretending to be someone else; that he switched dirty samples for clean samples; and that could prove Chevron had "cooked" evidence in the case. See here.

Borja partnered with an American named Wayne Hansen, to secretly videotape one of the judges who heard the case. Hansen and Borja used a spy pen and spy watch to tape the judge. They tried to offer him a bribe on camera. When the judge prepared to leave the room, Hansen badgered him to admit Chevron was guilty. The judge never discussed much less accepted a bribe and repeatedly told the two that he could not comment on Chevron's guilt. See here and here.

Nonetheless, Chevron has paraded the tapes in front of the news media and U.S. courts to argue fraud.

The online legal publication, Courthouse News, obtained emails written by Hansen to two of Chevron's private investigative firms hired to "handle" the California man after the Ecuadorians revealed Hansen was a convicted drug felon, not a legitimate businessman looking for contracts in Ecuador, as Chevron claimed.

Hansen wrote to Chevron's private investigator Oliver Beard of Investigative Research Services, Inc., that he wanted a "deal" similar to what Borja had received for the secret videotapes of the judge. Hansen wrote: "I need to hear from a real player with a plan for Wayne Hansen."

Not long after, Chevron hired another private investigative firm, The Mason Investigative Group, to deal with Hansen who vanished from the U.S. after being subpoenaed in 2011 under federal court order. According to the Courthouse News emails, Hansen thanked Eric Mason, the firm's president, for helping him move to Peru where he was "living like a king."

Eric Mason, Chevron's Spy

Currently Chevron, Borja and The Mason Group are fighting the release of discovery documents to the Ecuadorians and the Government of Ecuador in a California federal court. Out of 700 documents, only 13 largely irrelevant documents have been turned over by Chevron, Borja and The Mason Group. The Ecuadorians and the Government of Ecuador have been trying for over a year to obtain the documents in the face of repeated obstruction by Chevron and lawyers for The Mason Group and Borja, all of whom are paid by Chevron.

Legal papers filed in the discovery action accuse all three of trying to hide Chevron's "involvement in concocting and executing a plan to undermine the environmental litigation in Ecuador by tainting the presiding judge with a manufactured scandal."

Remember Mary Cuddehe and Sam Anson?

Sam Anson, Chevron's Spy

In 2010, the Atlantic Monthly exposed yet another clandestine effort by Chevron to throw the case.

Mary Cuddehe, an Iowa-born graduate of Columbia University with a Masters degree in Journalism, published an article documenting that the investigative firm Kroll has been running an espionage operation in Ecuador on behalf of Chevron.

Sam Anson, an investigator for Kroll, offered Cuddehe $20,000 for six weeks of work to appear as an independent journalist while working as an undercover spy in Ecuador. Her job was to spy on sick Ecuadorians to determine if they really had an illness. Anson paid for Cuddehe to travel to Bogota where the case was explained and she was offered the money in the suite of a luxury hotel. She later declined the job and instead wrote an article for the Atlantic Monthly.

Chevron refused to comment on Cuddehe, but the company remains associated with Anson who spies for the oil giant full time.

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Chevron: A Fugitive From Justice In Latin America

Legal Battles & Threats Question Leadership of CEO Watson & General Counsel Pate

Chevron’s troubles in Latin America are escalating and calling into question the ability of its Chairman and CEO John Watson and General Counsel Hewe Pate to manage the oil giant in crisis.

Chevron CEO John Watson

General Counsel Hewe Pate

In Brazil, federal prosecutors filed criminal charges today against 17 Chevron executives for deploying substandard drilling practices and lying about the cause, safety plans and the cleanup of a November oil spill off its coast. An $11.2 billion civil lawsuit had been filed already.

In Ecuador, an appellate court upheld a lower court $18 billion judgment that found Chevron in violation of essentially the same charges -- dumping billions of gallons of toxic water of formation and pure crude throughout an area the size of Rhode Island, then lying about it and covering up a shoddy cleanup.

See here and here.

Surely Brazilian authorities had Ecuador in mind when they barred the Chevron executives from leaving the country earlier this week for fear the oil giant’s bigwigs would become fugitives from justice.

An “overreaction” is the way several U.S. analysts, covering the oil industry, have described Brazil’s reactions, but that’s only because they are weighing the relatively small size of the spill, not Chevron’s enormous disrespect for the rule of law in Brazil and in other Latin American countries.

Brazil is smart to recognize that Chevron is capable of doing anything to avoid being held accountable. It only has to look at Ecuador’s experience for evidence.

Chevron basically became a fugitive from justice when Watson, Pate and other high-level officials said that, regardless of the law and court decisions, it would never pay the Ecuador judgment.

Chevron’s refusal to post a bond while it appeals the judgment to Ecuador’s National Court allows the Ecuadorians to begin enforcement proceedings against the company, but they must do so outside the country because Chevron has sold most of its assets in Ecuador.

Confiscating the Chevron executives’ visas is wise, too.

In 2009, Chevron paid for the relocation of one of its Ecuador operatives and his family so he would not have to face a possible criminal investigation in Ecuador for secretly videotaping a judge and offering him a bribe.

Prior to Chevron’s public release of the videos, the company obtained visas for Diego Borja, a self-described “dirty tricks” operative, and his family and relocated them to San Ramon, California, its headquarters, and later to Houston, Texas.

Upon closer review of the tapes, the news media disputed the bribery charge. Later private investigations revealed that Chevron promised Borja and an accomplice payment for orchestrating the sting operation against the judge. Legal documents show that Borja has been paid $2.2 million since he left Ecuador in June 2009. Borja's partner, Wayne Hansen, is now out of reach of both Ecuador and U.S. authorities. With Chevron's assistance, Hansen now lives in Peru in an undisclosed location with no visible means of support, other than what Chevron is likely providing him.

Ecuadorian prosecutors would like nothing better than to question Borja and Hansen but, alas, they are not within their reach, thanks to Chevron.

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Chevron Fights Like Mad to Block Release of Documents

Court Begins to Question Oil Giant's Double Standard When It Comes to Disclosure of Case Files

If you want an example of how a large oil company can mock court orders and get away with it, look no further than Chevron's behavior in the Ecuador environmental case where the company faces an $18 billion liability and allegations that it engaged in criminal misconduct to undermine a trial.See here and here.

The bottom line: due to a series of discovery decisions by a U.S. federal judge, who is clearly biased against the Ecuadorians, Chevron has almost the entire case file of the Ecuadorian's legal team while the Ecuadorians and their lawyers have almost none of Chevron's documents. There is simply no level playing field in the case.

Reporters covering the matter have completely missed the story of Chevron's gamesmanship before U.S. Judges. This gamesmanship makes it clear that Chevron will do anything to evade what is the largest court judgment in history for environmental damage. (See here)

One example vividly illustrates Chevron's maneuvering. For more than a year, the Ecuadorians have been fighting to obtain thousands of documents related to Diego Borja, the Chevron operative who secretly videotaped himself and his colleague Wayne Hansen offering a bribe to be given to the presiding judge in Ecuador as a way to sabotage the proceedings. Borja's own lawyer has admitted publicly that his client faces criminal liability in the U.S. and Ecuador for his actions. Borja has admitted Chevron has paid him vast sums of money -- including covering his U.S. income taxes -- for not working while living in the U.S. out of reach of journalists and investigative authorities.

When it comes to seeking Chevron's documents, the Ecuadorians have been met with nothing but obstructionism from Chevron's army of lawyers at Gibson Dunn & Crutcher, King & Spalding, Jones Day, Boies Schiller & Flexner, and Arguedes Cassman & Headley. (Yes, you read that correctly -- Chevron has hired five of the most powerful corporate and criminal defense firms in America to defend its environmental dumping in Ecuador. The Gibson Dunn firm recently disclosed it has at least 75 lawyers working on the case, meaning it is probably is billing the oil giant well over $100 million annually to get it off the hook for human rights violations in Ecuador.)

Consider the radically different ways U.S. courts have treated Chevron's requests for discovery, as compared to those made by the Ecuadorians.

In federal court in New York, the battle was fast and furious for release of privileged documents belonging to the Ecuadorians when Chevron wanted them. Thanks to a "technicality" ginned up by federal judge Lewis A. Kaplan, who insulted the Ecuadorians from the bench by claiming their lawsuit was imaginary, Chevron collected practically every document and email written about the 18-year-old case from their longtime lawyer Steven Donziger.

Kaplan prevented Donziger from arguing why particular documents were protected by privilege. Instead, he ordered Donziger to truck over his entire stash of tens of thousands of emails and internal memos to Chevron's law offices on the grounds his privilege log was turned in “late”. In fact, his log was prepared by numerous lawyers working furiously for weeks to list each of his thousands of documents, and it was clearly prepared in a reasonable amount of time (about four weeks after Kaplan denied Donziger's motion to quash the subpoena).

Using Judge Kaplan as its ally, Chevron also obtained documents from case interns, other lawyers for the Ecuadorians, consultants, financial advisors, and financial supporters -- over 1 million documents in all, according to legal briefs.

Chevron's discovery orgy was abruptly shut down in September by the federal appeals court in New York, which stayed the underlying legal proceeding before Kaplan where Chevron was seeking an unprecedented (and probably illegal) worldwide injunction barring enforcement of the Ecuadorian judgment. Without that case, Chevron lost the legal mechanism it was using to continue its U.S. discovery odyssey. Without the injunction, Chevron also now finds itself in a bigger jam now than when Kaplan was allowed to run wild on its behalf.

Interestingly, a few days before that appellate ruling staying Kaplan's proceeding, Chevron's double standard was revealed in a little-noticed decision by New York Magistrate Judge James Francis IV. Francis had this to say about Chevron's privilege logs (which lists Chevron's documents related to the litigation that the company is trying to prevent from being turned over to the Ecuadorians):

“(The review) reveals the categorization process engaged in by Chevron obscures rather than illuminates (emphasis added) the nature of the materials withheld….”

“Distressingly, Chevron has taken a view of its own discovery responsibilities sharply different from the obligations it seeks to impose on the (Ecuadorians) …. Chevron was highly critical of (the Ecuadorians’) privilege log descriptions that turn out to have been far more detailed (emphasis added) than Chevron's own.”

In the meantime, the wheels of justice have turned much more slowly in legal proceedings initiated by the Ecuadorians in California seeking Chevron's documents related to the Borja corruption scandal. See here.

Despite more than a year’s worth of motions filed by the Ecuadorians and granted by the court to compel Chevron and Borja to hand over documents, only a handful of largely irrelevant documents have actually been produced. With the legal action in New York dormant, Chevron is fighting even harder in California to stop anyone from discovering the depths to which the company sank with Borja in Ecuador. If Borja has potential criminal liability for trying to sabotage the proceedings in Ecuador, what does that say about Chevron's liability given that Borja was working for Chevron at the time and is now a “kept man” by the oil company in the U.S.? That's the question Chevron does not want answered.

Chevron has been trying ever since to cover up its involvement, even lying to the public about key facts in a press release -- such as characterizing Borja as a "Good Samaritan", failing to disclose that his sidekick Wayne Hansen (who helped him shoot the videos) was a convicted drug felon, or hiding the fact the pair met with Chevron lawyers as the scheme was unfolding.

Arguing for a balanced playing field for the Ecuadorians, attorney Jim Tyrrell of Patton Boggs recently asked a California magistrate judge to force Chevron, Borja and a private investigative firm paid by Chevron to stop hiding behind their privilege logs.

“… Respectfully, what we get back from Chevron and their allies is garbage. We can't tell what those privilege logs mean,” argued Tyrrell before Magistrate Judge Nathanial Cousins, who is expected to rule soon.

“Chevron has every one of my lead lawyers' documents for 18 years," Tyrell said. "We're quibbling over one here or there. That's not a level playing field, and that's not what justice is about.

“If anybody deserves a press account as to their conduct with respect to fraud, it isn't my side. It's the folks, respectfully, at Chevron.”

We are waiting to see if Magistrate Judge Cousins stands up to Chevron and its army of lawyers. He should allow a full airing of the facts related to this scandal.

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