Showing posts with label Cabrera Report. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cabrera Report. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 24, 2013

Stratus Settlement Results From Chevron's Corporate Thuggery

Below is a post written by Karen Hinton, former U.S. spokesperson for the Ecuadorians suing Chevron for payment of a $19 billion Ecuador judgment for the massive contamination of the Amazon rainforest.

On Oil Disasters: BP Took Responsibility; Chevron Hired Lawyers To Escape Justice 

There’s nothing like watching unadulterated corporate thuggery disguised as respectable lawyering.

Take the case of how Chevron is trying to block enforcement of its $19 billion liability in Ecuador.

When I read the affidavit of my friend Douglas Beltman -- who has been one of the scientists who spoke out against Chevron’s deliberate toxic dumping in Ecuador’s Amazon – I knew his testimony about the pollution and its impact had been coerced by Chevron.

For one, his denial of the contamination was so over the top that only people who stand to benefit from it could believe it, and even they know better.

After almost four years of fighting ruthless attacks, threats and duress at the hands of some of the corporate law firms that Chevron regularly employs, Doug threw in the towel. He also put his integrity on the line by stating, in effect, he had seen no evidence of contamination in Ecuador that could be attributed to Chevron – a statement completely contrary to everything he had said in the past.

By doing so, Doug saved himself and his small Boulder consulting firm, Stratus, from bankruptcy. He saved Stratus from the crushing weight of legal bills that included not only a defense against false fraud charges leveled by Chevron, but also a counterclaim filed by Stratus to try to stop repeated libelous attacks from Chevron lawyers who urged the firm’s clients to abandon it.

Chevron has filed Doug’s affidavit as “evidence” in a legal assault against the Ecuadorians and their lawyers in a U.S. court, where the oil giant is trying to block enforcement of the Ecuador judgment. Seeking almost $60 billion in damages, Chevron agreed to drop fraud charges against Doug and Stratus in exchange for his testimony as part of a settlement agreement.

Doug is a smart, articulate, warm and friendly man who once worked for the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Federal agencies such as the U.S. Department of Justice and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service have hired Doug for his expertise and his stellar reputation. As the former U.S. spokesperson for the Ecuadorians, I spent long days with Doug and reporters in the hot and sticky Ecuadorian jungle learning about the contamination.

I spent hours with Doug in meetings and on the phone, dissecting documents and reports that detailed how Texaco, later purchased by Chevron, deliberately dumped billions of gallons of pure crude and toxic chemicals into the waterways and soil of the rainforest for one reason only -- to reduce its costs and further inflate its profits. In 2009, during a 60 Minutes segment on the contamination, Doug told the world Chevron treated the rainforest like a “trash heap.”

Today Doug says he got it all wrong. Did he? The facts about the contamination (discussed later) say otherwise.

Simply put, Doug succumbed to Chevron’s pressure campaign:
  • Chevron lobbied the U.S. government to disbar Stratus from obtaining federal contracts, alleging the environmental firm had committed fraud, along with the Ecuadorians and their lawyers. September 2009 emails obtained from court discovery revealed Chevron lawyer Tim Cullen of Jones Day asked for a meeting with Department of Justice lawyers Hank Walther, Mark Mendelsohn and Charles Durros to discuss the fraud. (See emails here- scroll down to second page.) It should come as no surprise to anyone knowledgeable about how business gets done inside the Beltway that Walther is now a lawyer for Jones Day.
  • Chevron lawyer Andrea Neumann of Gibson Dunn lectured Doug during a deposition, reminding him that he and his firm could be disbarred from obtaining any federal contracts.
  • Chevron spent enormous sums of money to produce a slick video and documents maligning Stratus and Doug personally. The video, posted on the internet, accused Stratus of being part of a “criminal conspiracy”. The story was circulated them to federal agencies and companies that had hired or might hire Stratus. Chevron also put the video and materials on its web site and urged reporters to write about Stratus’ “criminal” behavior. As part of the settlement agreement, Chevron removed the materials from its web site.
  • Chevron also lobbied the Oregon Harbor Trustee Council to fire Stratus, preventing the firm from assisting in a cleanup of a toxic site created, in part, by Chevron. The Council members refused to do so because they argued Stratus had not been found guilty of any charges. As part of the settlement with Chevron, Stratus agreed not to work on the second phase of the project.
  • The most recent blow was perhaps the most devastating. Chevron intervened in a litigation between Stratus and its insurance company over payment of legal fees so it could defend itself. Chevron filed an amicus brief, detailing its alleged criminal conspiracy. A Colorado court ruled in favor of the insurance company even though no trial has been conducted to determine the validity of Chevron’s charges. See page 15 of Stratus’ counterclaims.
Stratus described the pressure campaign in its December 2012 counterclaims, four months before the settlement:

“(Chevron has) embarked on an extrajudicial campaign of malicious defamation and deliberate interference with Stratus' business to tortuously destroy Stratus (and the livelihood of its employees) and to prevent Status from being able to successfully defend itself at trial. Chevron’s scheme … consists … of widely and publicly disseminating lurid allegations against Stratus concocted from lies and inappropriate manipulation … (of) evidence; publishing defamatory written statements directly to Stratus’ clients and others, falsely and maliciously telling clients that (courts) have entered conclusive findings confirming Chevron’s allegations …; in direct and indirect communications explicitly and repeatedly requesting that Stratus’ clients fire Stratus or not engage Stratus as a technical consultant….”

No wonder Doug caved.

But, the facts in the record and on the ground reveal the true story:
  • Scarring Ecuador’s rainforest are about 900 Olympic-sized, unlined oil pits full of pure crude and toxic chemicals– all of them built by Texaco only in the 1970s and 1980s. Doug told me that each pit was the equivalent of one U.S. Superfund site (a major environmental disaster) that would cost at least $20 to $40 million each to remediate. In other words, billions of dollars of costs.
    Chevron now says that 900 is an exaggeration, but we know, for a fact, that Texaco drilled 343 well sites during its three decades of oil exploration in Ecuador. We know that Texaco built an average of two to five pits for each well site. Chevron has never produced a master list of its oil pits, but the number of pits comes from a combination of on-site inspections and aerial photographs.
  • Texaco published an ad in an Ecuador newspaper admitting to dumping 16 billion gallons of untreated and scalding-hot production water directly into the streams and rivers that local people use for drinking water and to bathe and cook. Production water is composed of cancer-causing chemicals, such as benzene, toluene, xylene and Polynuclear Aromatic Hydrocarbons (PAHs). It also has a saline content ten times higher than ocean water.
  • Texaco conducted two internal audits in the early 1990s (see here and here) – both part of the massive quantum of evidence against the company -- describing the contamination this way:

    • “No protection of water resources”
    • “Limited environmental protection measurements taken”
    • “Produced water disposed of into the jungle river”
    • “No treatment of wastewater conducted prior to discharge”
    • “Toxic wastes not treated”
    • “No recycling of wastes or waste reduction”
A careful reading of Doug’s affidavit also gives him away.

For example, he says he knows of no groundwater contamination resulting from Texaco’s operations. But Doug and I also discussed that a tight budget prevented the Ecuadorians from gathering many samples of groundwater contamination except under the company’s waste pits. And, as Doug told me on more than one occasion, if the soil is contaminated the groundwater is contaminated.

Most troubling, Doug testified in Chevron’s coerced affidavit that he had seen no evidence of harm to people.

I know that must have been very difficult for him to say. He and I spoke often of the need for a comprehensive plan to deal with the health problems created by Chevron’s contamination in the region – including high rates of cancer as confirmed by independent peer-reviewed health evaluations.

Doug would often counter that in the U.S. we don’t wait for a study to tell us that oil contamination is harmful to people and the environment. We clean it up immediately, as we required BP to do after the Gulf of Mexico spill that created an estimated $60 billion liability for the company.

One difference between the BP disaster and the Chevron disaster is that the British oil company accidentally took the lives of 11 people; the American oil company intentionally used substandard drilling and exploration practices that resulted in illnesses and deaths of untold numbers and the destruction of the environment and a whole way of life for many of the indigenous groups.

The other difference is that BP took responsibility. Chevron, on the other hand, hired lawyers to engage in a pressure campaign to extort testimony and attempt a desperate effort to avoid paying the $19 billion judgment.

With seizure actions filed by the rainforest communities against Chevron assets in three countries – Canada, Brazil, and Argentina – the risk the oil giant faces only continues to grow. In the meantime, a good man named Doug Beltman bites the dust when it comes to calling out environmental injustice.

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Tuesday, April 23, 2013

The Ugly Truth Behind the Burford-Chevron Settlement

It is becoming increasingly clear that Chevron’s so-called “settlement” with Burford Capital, a publicly-traded litigation hedge fund that had helped to finance the historic Ecuador environmental case, is beset by serious ethical problems. Just like the Stratus “settlement” that preceded it, this latest gambit by the oil giant will not diminish in the least its growing risk from the $19 billion adverse judgment.

We already explained the vicious pressure campaign waged by Chevron to extort a settlement from Stratus Consulting, a small Colorado-based technical firm. Stratus literally faced bankruptcy due to Chevron’s efforts to drive away its clients and impose enormous legal liability after it had the temerity to work on behalf of the Ecuador communities.

The good people at Stratus caved in the face of Chevron pressure, with two of its scientists agreeing to sign highly misleading affidavits contradicting earlier sworn testimony that the oil giant caused massive toxic contamination in Ecuador. Stratus essentially chose a near-death event (signing false affidavits) over a certain death event (continuing to fight Chevron).

Chevron’s settlement with Burford, announced with great fanfare on April 15, suffers from similar credibility problems and also appears to be the product of intimidation and threats.

Given that it is a public entity backed by prominent institutional investors, Burford could not afford to embroil itself in Chevron’s threatened litigation sideshow. Chevron’s approach threatened to dry up investment money for Burford. It also raised the prospect of forcing the fund to spend millions to defend itself -- something that would be very bad for business.

To avoid this Chevron-engineered unpleasantness, Burford CEO Christopher Bogart signed an affidavit that has the odor of being designed by Chevron’s own lawyers. Bogart claims in the affidavit that he had had been “misled” by lawyers for the rainforest communities about a wholly irrelevant technical report on damages (called the Cabrera Report). The Ecuador court did not even consider this report when finding Chevron liable.

(The Ecuador court did rely on evidence in more than 100 other technical reports that contained 64,000 chemical sampling results, most showing massive and life-threatening contamination due to Chevron’s deliberate toxic dumping in Ecuador. For a summary of the overwhelming evidence against Chevron, see here)

For the Ecuadorians, Burford’s settlement changes very little.

Burford already had refused to fund the case further in 2011 after Chevron filed a racketeering case against the communities that named the hedge fund as a “non-party co-conspirator” – a wholly invented designation used by Chevron to instill fear in the heart of any person or entity that wished to help the victims of the oil company’s toxic dumping.

But what does matter are the details behind Burford’s own descent into darkness. This is where it begins to get interesting.

What Bogart does not disclose is that when Burford ceased funding the case, it was hiding a flagrant conflict of interest from the Ecuadorians as well as its own investors. In late 2010, shortly after Burford had funded the claims of the Ecuadorians, the firm agreed to bring in as a principal partner former litigation lawyer Ernest J. Getto.

Getto had previously generated enormous fees at Latham & Watkins as one of Chevron’s lead outside lawyers. He worked for Chevron on a number of high-profile cases, including a toxic tort class action involving allegations of pollution and cancer deaths among students, faculty and alumni at Beverly Hills High School. (That case involved Chevron’s use of many of the same subterfuges it employed during the Ecuador trial to undermine the proceedings. You can read about it an excellent book by Joy Horowitz, Parts Per Million.)

In effect, a lawyer extremely close to Chevron had infiltrated the key funding entity of Chevron’s litigation adversary in a high-stakes case. Burford had a contractual right to access information from the rainforest communities, including information related to their strategy. There is no evidence – and Bogart has never asserted -- that Burford built a firewall between Getto and the case. Burford also never informed the Ecuadorians about the conflict.

Obviously aware of and embarrassed by this conflict of interest, Burford took the extraordinary step of censoring from its own website any reference to Chevron as one of Getto’s “major” clients during his tenure at Latham & Watkins. But one need only go to Latham’s directory of its retired partners – which we did just the other day -- to find this extraordinary claim:
“Mr. Getto, representing Chevron, also led a Latham team that won all 12 motions for summary judgment in the highly publicized Beverly Hills High School toxic tort litigation.”
That’s what you call a real whopper.

Bogart does Chevron’s bidding by claiming in his affidavit he was “misled” about the Cabrera report, but this has scant credibility. Bogart admits he had multiple discussions about this report with counsel for the Ecuadorians. He admits he was given a detailed memo on the case by the Patton Boggs law firm that included an analysis of the issue. He also had access to thousands of court documents filed by Chevron related to its concocted “fraud” narrative.

Again, trial and appellate courts in Ecuador rejected Chevron’s arguments about the Cabrera report. The court ruled against Chevron in the underlying case, finding it liable for causing massive toxic damage to the ecosystem. The side Burford funded won. You would think Bogart would be happy.

Which brings us to the next startling detail.

Bogart also does not fully explain in his affidavit the details around Burford's sale to a third party of its interest from its $4 million investment in the Ecuador case. Yet as part of its recent “settlement” with Chevron, Burford said it would give up on any monies it might still be owed from any recovery by the rainforest communities.

That’s at least mildly misleading, don’t you think?

If Bogart really believes what he says – that the Ecuador case is a “fraud” even though courts in Ecuador have ruled otherwise – then Burford surely must disgorge the monies it made when it sold its interest to a third party. That Burford refuses to do so is all you need to know about how the company really views the Ecuador case.

Curiously, nowhere in the “settlement” does Burford say it has freely entered into its terms with no monetary compensation, which is typical language in civil litigation.

Bogart’s affidavit is designed to get rid of a major litigation and business risk for Burford. For Chevron, the affidavit provides a fleeting public relations score that it will use to try to beat back the company’s angry shareholders in the lead up to the annual meeting in late May.

In last year’s annual meeting, Chevron CEO John Watson was pummeled openly for his mishandling of the Ecuador case. This year, he faces votes on two resolutions related to Ecuador that likely will lead to further embarrassment.

But the “settlement” also creates a nagging headache for Burford which will not easily go away. As Burford aspires to be an industry leader in the nascent field of litigation finance, it will always be known as the firm that caved to pressure from an aggressive oil company hell bent on destroying the legal claims of vulnerable indigenous communities.

In his declaration, Bogart presents his motives as high-minded. He said in settling with Chevron he is trying to maintain Burford’s “highly ethical approach to its business”. In light of the undisclosed facts and conflicts of interest that Bogart omitted from his affidavit, one can reasonably question what ethical compass is guiding this man.

In the meantime, while Chevron tries to focus attention on dubious and irrelevant affidavits, an Argentine court has embargoed $2 billion in company assets that could be used to satisfy the Ecuador judgment. Similar seizure actions are proceeding against Chevron assets in Canada and Brazil.

Yet Burford's new dance partners at Chevron headquarters refuse to disclose these real and enormous risks to shareholders, prompting multiple complaints to the Securities and Exchange Commission.


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Wednesday, April 17, 2013

The Truth Behind The Stratus Affidavits

Scientific Evidence Against Oil Giant Remains Overwhelming

The Stratus affidavits did not change anything for Chevron's perilous legal position in the Ecuador environmental case where it faces a $19 billion liability, as well as asset seizure actions in Canada, Brazil, and Argentina.

In a classic misdirection move designed to distract attention from its liability, Chevron last week unveiled affidavits from two scientsts from Stratus Consulting who used to work for the Amazon communities that for almost 50 years have been victimized by the company’s pollution. Chevron claimed the consultants, Douglas Beltman and Ann Maest, “disavowed” their involvement in the Ecuador litigation as well as the findings in a technical assessment known as the Cabrera Report that the Ecuador court did not even consider when finding the company liable.

These affidavits show just how limited the options for Chevron have become as it spends more and more money in an increasingly futile quest to escape accountability for its toxic dumping in the Amazon.

Chevron’s fundamental problem is that Beltman and Maest are not telling the truth about the science behind the Ecuador case.
 
As background, Chevron aimed a figurative gun at the head of Stratus, where  Beltman is a partner.  The company faced bankruptcy just by having to defend itself against Chevron’s 114-lawyer army at Gibson Dunn, which had named Stratus as a defendant in a highly questionable RICO case in New York.

Chevron had also waged a vicioius campaign to persuade clients of Stratus to fire the company based on false allegations that the company had committed "fraud" in Ecuador.  As part of the settlement it extorted, Chevron forced Beltman and Maest to abide by a gag order and agree not to work on projects involving Chevron for two decades.

The problem Beltman and Maest (and Chevron) now have is that the recent affidavits clearly contradict their earlier sworn testimony (available here and here) that concluded Chevron was responsible for massive pollution in Ecuador.  A chart of how Beltman and Maest have flagrantly changed their testimony in the face of Chevron’s threats can be found here.

Just weeks ago, in a legal filing, Stratus itself described the shakedown it was experiencing, saying Chevron has engaged in “an extrajudicial campaign of malicious defamation and deliberate interference with Stratus' business to tortuously destroy Stratus (and the livelihood of its employees).” Stratus made it clear in its court filings that it believed the Ecuador case was legitimate and based on valid scientific evidence. (See Stratus' Counterclaim against Chevron here)

Chevron is also trying to spin the affidavits to convince courts that the Amazon communities have “lost” the main source of their scientific data supporting the Ecuador judgment. Nothing could be further from the truth.  Stratus played a major role in preparing materials for one technical report that the court threw out.

Stratus had nothing to do with any of the more than 100 other expert reports submitted as evidence that were relied on to find liability.

Stratus never produced a single one of the 64,000 chemical sampling results presented by the parties to the court that documented extensive pollution at 100% of Chevron's well sites in Ecuador.  This data was produced by 23 court-appointed experts nominated by the parties that did not include Stratus.

The trial judge also pegged the majority of the remediation cleanup valuation figures to the work of Gerardo Barros, a court appointed expert who had been designated by Chevron.  Chevron’s argument that the process was “tainted” has not been accepted by any court in Ecuador, but as a practical matter the issue of what Stratus did in Ecuador with the Cabrera report is a nullity.

Apart from the prior sworn testimony of Beltman and Maest that proves the contentions of the communities, there is overwhelming scientific and testimonial evidence that documents Chevron’s environmental abuses in Ecuador, where it operated from 1964 to 1992 under the Texaco brand.
 
For example:

  • Chevron’s own internal audits, produced in the early 1990s as it was winding down its operations in Ecuador, documented pollution at each one of its drilling sites.  They also found the company exercised no environmental controls in the 25 years it operated in Ecuador. (See the audits here and here)
  • Stratus itself documented the pollution in a devastating power point presentation that concluded 100% of the Chevron well sites in Ecuador tested during the trial had levels of toxicity that violated legal norms in the U.S.

Beltman said it best in a deposition taken by the Amazon communities on Sept. 9, 2011, on a date well before the effects of Chevron’s extortion effort had fully kicked in.  Beltman testified that the way Chevron operated in Ecuador was “substandard” and that “groundwater, streams, rainforest, wells and stations” were “all contaminated” by the company’s operations.

Also on that day, again under oath, Beltman concluded that Chevron’s claims that its “remediation” in Ecuador was effective are “false” and that he believes that “exposure to carcinogens caused by Texaco operations at least contributed to the higher rates of cancer.”

If Beltman and Maest testify consistent with the recently extorted affidavits, they will look like liars.  If a jury hears the earlier testimony under oath, which is corroborated by extensive evidence at trial, Chevron will (as it should) look terrible.

The bigger picture is that what Chevron does in a New York court has virtually no significance.

Courts in other countries being asked to enforce the judgment against Chevron assets, if anything, will recoil when asked to abide by any decision coming from a clearly biasd judge trying to give the oil giant a home court advantage.  For an understanding of just how biased, read these mandamus petitions (here and here) asking for the reassignment of Judge Lewis A. Kaplan.

The Second Circuit Court of Appeals has set a date in May to consider that issue yet again, so it is unclear if the RICO trial will even get off the ground or if Chevron will blink when it comes time for a jury to hear even some of the awful facts relating to its criminal activity in Ecuador -- which includes attempted bribes of Ecuador's government to quash the case.

If anything, the New York proceeding before Judge Kaplan – like much else in this case – could easily boomerang against Chevron.  Ditto for Beltman and Maest, who now have lost all credibility in the face of Chevron's pressure campaign that threatened their ability to earn a livelihood.

Stay tuned.


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